Sunday, 12 January 2025

My Response to the Regulatory Standards Bill

 New Zealand has traditionally been considered an egalitarian society, where the emphasis is on equality in social, political, and economic affairs.  Democracy is thought of as "power of the people", a way of governing which depends on the will of the people.


The Regulatory Standards Bill is not compatible with an egalitarian society or democracy, and therefore I oppose it.


Prof Jane Kelsey has described this proposed Bill as being a straight jacket on what governments could do.  It limits how parliament can make laws, putting constraints and rules around what laws Parliament could make.  It requires all laws to be viewed and presented with a libertarian lens, when not all parties who make up the current or future governments are libertarian.


This Bill has already failed to be passed by Parliament three or four times since 2006, because it is a bad piece of law making.  The Treasury has panned this law previously.  The new Ministry of Regulation even calls it a bad piece of law.  None of the laws passed since this coalition came into government have actually even used this proposed law on the legislation they have passed.


I looked into the ACT 2023 Manifesto to see if this proposed Bill had been campaigned on.  It has, and here is the text from the Manifesto:


ACT is proposing a higher standard for new laws and regulation through the introduction of the Regulatory Standards Bill. The Bill, if enacted, would lift the standard of lawmaking by requiring the government of the day to ensure all new laws and regulations are consistent with core principles of good lawmaking. It would require politicians and civil servants ask and answer the right questions when making a law or regulation.

Questions like:

  • What is this law for?

  • Does another law already address the problem?

  • Have the relevant people been consulted?

  • Do the benefits of the law outweigh the costs?

  • Who pays the costs, and who gets the benefits?

  • Are private property rights impaired, and, if so, what is the justification?

What happens if lawmakers don’t comply?

If any group or individual feels a law or regulation has been made without adhering to these principles, they can get a declaration in court that the law was made in a way that’s inconsistent with good lawmaking. That doesn’t cancel the law, but it changes the incentives for politicians and bureaucrats. It says, if you want to make knee-jerk, populist laws without regard for the rights of people they effect, you’re going to rack up a lot of hostile declarations.

How will the Bill be passed?

The Bill as it is written won’t just be passed by a majority of Parliament. The Bill is about improving lawmaking for all New Zealanders so it is important that they have their say to pass it. Like the End of Life Choice Act, it will only become law if the majority of voters vote for it to become law in a referendum. It is the people demanding better standards of lawmaking. It is quasi-constitutional reform designed to honour the inherent dignity of each person, to allow people to do business, and build their farms and their firms to provide for the families and their friends.

ACT’s rationale is this will enable good law making.  Yet, as already stated earlier, the questions ACT uses in their manifesto were not applied to any law making since the coalition was formed, and existing expectations, such as advice from Ministry officials, Treasury, the Attorney General, the Bill of Rights, the Waitangi Tribunal, scientific and academic research, etc also were ignored when drafting and putting through most if not all of the legislation since November 2023.


The sentence in the manifesto about this Bill being a disincentive for politicians making knee-jerk and populist laws is hilarious considering much of this legislation already passed and proposed falls into this definition.


In ACT’s manifesto, it states the Regulatory Standards Bills will only become law if they majority of voters vote for it to become law in a referendum.  Yet when I went to the National - ACT Coalition Agreement, a referendum for the Regulatory Standards Bill is not mentioned.  In the Agreement it says: Legislate to improve the quality of regulation, ensuring that regulatory decisions are based on principles of good law-making and economic efficiency, by passing the Regulatory Standards Act as soon as practicable.  The Coalition Agreement fails to mention a referendum.


ACT is proposing to completely change the way this government and future governments of New Zealand based on the fact they got 8.64% of the votes in the 2023 General Election.  That means 91.36% of the votes did not vote for this change of how our government makes laws.  As New Zealand’s Parliament is a representative institution, this is bad law making to pass a law based on one of the smallest party’s manifestos.


This Bill favours property rights and individual rights, based on libertarian ideology, ignoring society and the collective responsibilities it has.  It neuters Te Tiriti o Waitangi and mutes the Bill of Rights.  Indigenous rights and environmental protections would be bulldozed by the Regulatory Standards Bill.


It would bring power to the Ministry of Regulation over all other Ministries and their Ministers and work, making the Minister of Regulation, currently David Seymour, the most powerful person in New Zealand’s government.  It nullifies the role of parliamentarians in being able to debate and make good law.  This is completely at odds with New Zealand’s egalitarian values and opens up the possibility of corruption.


I am alarmed by the goal of the Regulatory Standards Bill to negate many hard fought for and valid laws and regulations made over many decades.  We have health and safety laws, for example, so that people can be safe in their homes, work places, places of recreation, places of education and more.  


Simple regulations like monitoring what a small child eats at a daycare centre are there in case of allergies or choking.  We have regulations in mining and forestry because of the high toll of injury and death in those sectors.  We have the regulations we have for building products because the last time our government loosened those regulations we ended up with thousands of homes, schools, hospitals and places of work with leaky building syndrome, because we have seen the dire consequences of a fire ripping through a department store, home or guest house, because we have lived the results of a number of earthquakes and floods.  


We need our government to be free to make good, sensible laws to protect people and to ensure they are enabled to lead good lives, because ultimately governments are about people, people who elect governments, who make our economy grow, who pay taxes, who politicians are ultimately answerable to.


I oppose this law in any form.  There are other pieces of legislation and Parliamentary process that could improve how law making is done.


My Submission Against the Treaty Principles Bill

 Mā te kimi ka kite,

Mā te kite ka mōhio,

Mā te mōhio ka mārama.


Seek and discover,

Discover and know,

Know and become enlightened.


I am writing this submission to express how much I oppose the Treaty Principles Bill.


I am a teacher.  As teachers, we are expected to demonstrate our commitment to Te Tiriti o Waitangi.  In Our Code, Our Standards - Ngā Tikanga Matatika, Ngā Paerewa it says:


Signed in 1840 by leaders of hapū and the Crown, Te Tiriti o Waitangi affirmed Māori rights as tangata whenua and provided a place and a shape of governance for Pākehā in Aotearoa. 

Te Tiriti o Waitangi provided a basis for ongoing, peaceful power-sharing relationships between the first peoples and all others who would come in later years. 

Today Te Tiriti o Waitangi is seen as a commitment under which Māori and all other New Zealanders may live together in the spirit of honourable relationships, with the promise to take the best possible care of each other. This requires the injustices caused by colonisation to be addressed and all New Zealanders to engage in creating a positive future that honours Te Tiriti o Waitangi. 

New Zealand is an increasingly multicultural nation, and Te Tiriti o Waitangi is inclusive of today’s new settlers. As with earlier immigrants, their ‘place to stand’ comes with an expectation that they will live here in a way that respects the commitments of Te Tiriti o Waitangi and the position of Māori as tangata whenua. 

As teachers, we are committed to honouring Te Tiriti o Waitangi and we understand this has implications in all of our practice.


In the Code, I have highlighted some key phrases.  And below I will explain why.


I am descended from Ururoa, a Ngāpuhi rangatira, the second chief to sign He Whakaputanga o te Rangatiratanga o Nu Tirene or the Declaration of Independence of the United Tribes of New Zealand.  He did not sign Te Tiriti o Waitangi, but Hone Heke, my great, great, great, great uncle did, the first signatory.  I put this in to show that this country was not given to England, but that the goal was to be our own country, with our own sovereignty, but under Te Tiriti to allow the British representatives to manage their own people so all could live together peacefully.  As Prof Margaret Mutu says, this invited people to live in New Zealand under the protection of Te Tiriti and in no way was sovereignty ceded to the British Government.


In the text of Te Tiriti, it is clear that the Treaty is signed by the people of New Zealand and the Crown.  The people of New Zealand at the time were what we now call Māori.  At the time, Māori was defined by themselves as “ordinary people” to differentiate themselves from those who had come from other lands.  It is not a Treaty between Māori and every single ethnicity who entered New Zealand in 1840 or since.  It is an agreement between the New Zealanders of the day (aka Māori, because non-Māori of the day defined themselves as British or French or wherever they were from) and the Crown, the representatives of Queen Victoria.  So for Mr Seymour today to claim that this Treaty is between two races is wrong, has been proved wrong by the text of Te Tiriti itself, translators and academics far more knowledgeable on Te Tiriti than Mr Seymour.


Today, the invitation Te Tiriti provides applies to those who are immigrating to New Zealand as much as this did to my first Pākehā ancestors coming over from Sydney Australia, one of whom married Ururoa’s daughter Erana, thus creating the ultimate Tiriti partnership within my own ancestry.


Today, any class I teach will have a mixture of children who identify as Māori or Pākehā or both, children whose ancestors arrived here 150 years or 60 years ago or even this last year.  They all have the right to be here under Te Tiriti o Waitangi.  I may also be teaching children from Africa, Asia, the Americas, Pasifika nations, Europe… and they all have the same invitation to come to New Zealand as my earliest Pākehā ancestors from Australia, as well as the ones to come over the next sixty years from England, Ireland, Switzerland and Prussia.


When I grew up and went to school in the 1980s, things Māori were not valued.  A whole section of my ancestry was not valued, and if utilised in public life, was for show.  The haka of the All Blacks of the 1980s is an excellent example of this - it was perfunctory at best and very amateur in comparison to the haka I see performed by primary school children in the 2020s.  


Over my lifetime, we have seen the recognition of Te Tiriti o Waitangi like never before.  The first time Waitangi Day was a public holiday I was two months old.  Just fifteen months before I was born, on my adored cousin’s day of birth, a landmark petition for te reo Māori was presented on the steps of parliament.  The Waitangi Tribunal was established by the time I was four years old, and by the time I was eleven years old the Waitangi Tribunal was able to accept historical claims of breaches against Te Tiriti.  I was 13 years old when te reo Māori was made an official language of New Zealand - by this time I was learning te reo Māori at high school, a choice I made, and this was the first real teaching I had had on things Māori in all my schooling so far.  Apart from English, te reo Māori was the only subject I continued through all five years of high school.


When I began University to train as a teacher, I continued my learning about te reo Māori and te Ao Māori through various papers.  It was made clear to me and my fellow students that we were expected to nurture the language and provide learning opportunities for all students in our classes throughout the curriculum.  I have continued this learning to this very day, be it watching te reo teaching tv shows, attending night classes a the local College (until National destroyed Adult Learning Night Classes), PLD within my school or Kāhui Ako, or, for the last three years, through the Wānanga o Aotearoa.


As a teacher, as a New Zealander, as a human, I have this to my core.  Te reo Māori and things Māori have always been part of my teaching.  As much of my teaching has been at small rural schools, I have often been the teacher on staff with the most resources and knowledge.  But I have seen a significant shift over the last seven years.  Under the previous Labour government they introduced Te Ahu o te Reo Māori to enable teachers to improve their knowledge and use of te reo Māori, learn basic tikanga, and grow their confidence to use te reo as an every day language in their classes, professional and personal lives.  I’ve seen more total immersion and bilingual classes established, more kapa haka groups, more use of tikanga Māori with pōwhiri and whakatau implemented, karakia, pepeha, waiata, better pronunciation, children excited to participate in things Māori because they have more understanding and taking that learning and excitement home.


I will never forget when I introduced singing the National Anthem in te reo (before Dame Hinewehi Mohi did so in 1999 controversially).  The mostly very Pākehā dairy farming community children were happy to learn it.  But what warmed my heart was when very Pākahā rural grandparents came to me on Calf Club Day to tell me how much they enjoyed hearing their three grandchildren sing the Anthem in te reo in the backseat of their car - that, in 1999 showed me how far New Zealand had come… and I thought New Zealand had come even further until the disgusting rhetoric came out during the 2023 Election Campaign in regards to the use of te reo Māori for government entities and road signs from National and the appalling ideas Mr Seymour had for Te Tiriti.


Today I go into rural schools, with Māori, Pākehā and immigrant children all reciting their pepeha, leading karakia, performing waiata and haka like it is second nature.  Get a bunch of Kiwis together overseas and what you will soon get is a haka or a loud rendition of Tutira Mai Ngā Iwi.  This is our identity and we do not like it being degraded.


The rhetoric against things Māori over the last two years has been extremely divisive and allowed ignorant prejudices to be presented as facts.  Mr Seymour has yet to show who his experts are who helped him present this despicable Treaty Principles Bill to our Parliament.  His rubbishing of actual experts who have studied Te Tiriti for decades or worked within the law with the Waitangi Tribunal has been disrespectful at best.  His interpretation and translation has been debunked by the most expert translators, academics, lawyers and now even the descendents of the original translators, Henry and William Williams, have said that Mr Seymour has the intent and translation of Te Tiriti o Waitangi wrong.


Mr Seymour also ignores international law that states the te reo version is the legal version of Te Tiriti o Waitangi as well as the fact the vast majority of rangatira signed the te reo versions (only one group did not, because they were only supplied the English version and were incorrectly assured it as a exactly the same as the te reo version).  In regards to Mr Peters harking back to Sir Apirana Ngata’s writings on Te Tiriti o Waitangi, like our knowledge of agriculture and how electricity is generated, supplied and used, our knowledge and application has moved on.


The Principles of the Treaty are to promote Partnership, Participation and Protection.  These were defined after the establishment of the Waitangi Tribunal to allow for the passage of about 140 years since the Treaty was initially signed.  These Principles are not set in law and do not rewrite the Treaty, but enhance the fact Te Tiriti o Waitangi is and continues to be a living document, evolving as the world and New Zealand society evolves.  They are in fact a compromise because there can be no full redress for all the breaches of the Treaty since 1840; it is economically, socially and politically too damaging for all New Zealanders to do so.  In that regard, Māori have been compromised again.


Let’s now look at what Mr Seymour is proposing.  Under Partnership, the first Principle, it is stated Māori (or the 1840 New Zealanders as written in the original text) and the Crown have a relationship and both parties must act with the utmost good faith.  Under Mr Seymour’s version, The government has full power to govern and the government has the power to make laws in the best interest of everyone.  This completely cuts Māori, as the original New Zealanders, out of the process, a rather authoritarian move and not in good faith.


Participation is the second Principle.  Within the current Principle, the Crown is to provide opportunities to engage with the decision making processes at all levels.  This has already been broken within the last year with the government legislating to remove Māori wards from local bodies and make them go through a costly referendum in 2025 if they want to retain them, as well as the dubious actions of the Fast Track Act.  Under Mr Seymour’s version of Principle 2, he wants hapū and iwi rights recognised as they were when they were signed in 1840 and those rights only differ when they are specified in legislation, Treaty Agreements or other specific agreements with the Crown.  This disregards the fact Te Tiriti is a living document.  It ignores the fact that this is a Treaty between the people who owned the land in 1840, the original New Zealanders aka Māori, and the Crown and freezes Māori out of all decision making.  This will especially have a detrimental effect on our environment.  Traditional Pākehā governing decision making has left environmental disasters all over New Zealand and put flora and fauna in endangered categories as a result of ignoring one of the Treaty partners for the last 180 odd years.  Also, the government is currently going through a process of removing Treaty clauses from numerous pieces of legislation - clauses that were put in to prevent further breaches of the Treaty!!  The stupidity of it all!!


Principle three addresses Protection.  Currently this understanding is the government actively protects Māori interests, rights, taonga and rangatiratanga.  Mr Seymour wants to state everyone is equal before the law, has equal protection and equal benefit of the law without discrimination.  Firstly, under the Bill of Rights, all New Zealanders, no matter their ethnicity or whatever else, are seen as equal before the law.  Māori, as the original New Zealanders as stated within the text and as one of the signatories, has particular rights over stated things under the Treaty that other people who became New Zealanders as a result of the Treaty do not have.  Mr Seymour is trying to place a person who steps off the plane today as equal as Māori were on 6 February 1840 - this is a breach of the Principles of the Treaty.  This is trying to push Māori out of the way so New Zealand’s resources can be plundered and Māori have no say in it as kaitiaki of Papatūānuku.


As some wise person said in the Stuff comments (believe it or not) a few months ago:

Imagine you own some land.

You lease out the land to some tenants with a contract that states you still own the land, but they get the right to sublet the land out.

The tenants of that land, as well as the people they lease the land to now decide that they want to vote on what the contract actually meant (i.e. did they really lease the land or did they mean to buy the land).

You, as the land owner, have no vote in the matter.  That’s pretty much what Act is wanting to do.


This Bill has not been properly consulted on.  It has been shown in multiple ways that it constitutes a new breach of the Treaty of Waitangi as well as the current Principles and will result in huge legislative upheaval.  It breaches international law.  It completely ignores one signatory of the Treaty who has had the raw end of the deal for nearly 185 years already. It is creating misinformation and division in New Zealand and allowing the worst sorts of individuals and opinions to be platformed.  This Bill opens New Zealand up for uncontrolled exploitation of the natural resources and the people for the benefit of the few and not the benefit of all.


I therefore oppose this Treaty Principles Bill. 


Monday, 7 October 2024

Is David Seymour planning on going back to the future with Kindergarten staff?

Strong rumours have it that David Seymour will be making a pretty devastating announcement about the staff of Kindergartens, possibly by the end of this week.  And it really will be history repeating itself.

David Seymour wants to take Kindergarten teachers out of the state sector.


This has happened before, on 29 April 1997, when then State Services Minister Jenny Shipley overnight introduced a Bill to remove Kindergarten Teachers from the state sector, passing it under Urgency (sound familiar?) the very next day, 30 April 1997.  Then Associate Minister of Education Brian Donnelly (NZ First) claimed they were removing an anomaly in ECE and that this move put Kindergartens on an even footing with other ECE providers.


But Kindergartens were never meant to be like the other ECE providers. Its sessional nature was not like the model of day care or parental play based ECE offered by other ECE providers.


In March 2000, legislation to return Kindergarten teachers to the state sector was introduced by then Education Minister Trevor Mallard, fulfilling a promise Labour made in 1997 when they were removed.  Mr Mallard said: 


“The previous Government saw early childhood education as a business. We see it as an integral part of the education system and we want to help as many children as possible have access to quality early childhood education.

“Teachers are the key to that quality. By taking responsibility for the terms under which they are employed, the Government is taking leadership for setting benchmarks for standards. We will be making advancements on issues like the provision and co-ordination of professional development.”


So why do we think that Mr Seymour, the current Associate Minister of Education with responsibility for Early Childhood Education, is preparing to announce removing Kindergarten teachers from the state sector yet again?


The Early Childhood Council.


The Early Childhood Council, who speak for the owners of ECE centres, has the ear of the Associate Minister of Education, David Seymour.  Apparently Simon Laube, the current CEO of the Early Childhood Council, worked in the Minister of Education’s office between October 2012 and August 2016, as a Principal Advisor for Partnership Schools Kura Hourua between November 2016 and September 2017 and as a Senior Manager for Partnership Schools between November 2017 and June 2019. At some point prior to the 2020 election, Mr Laube began working in David Seymour's office while ACT was in opposition.  We can surmise that Mr Laube and Minister Seymour have a working relationship.


The Early Childhood Council made a submission to the government’s review of regulations in ECE, specifically requesting that Kindergarten teachers be again removed from the State Sector Act.


However, before this submission was made, only 15% of the members, who are the people who own ECE centres, were consulted on the substance of the submission - so how does this represent the owners of ECE centres, let alone the workforce? 


The Kindergarten Association’s spokesperson Amanda Coulston released this press release, Early Childhood Submission a Cynical Attempt to Drive Down Standards, on the 16 of September.  These paragraphs stood out to me:


Kindergartens Aotearoa says private centres are trying to use the government’s review of regulations to drive down quality and reduce teachers’ pay so they can make greater profits from taxpayer funds.

The Early Childhood Council which represents mainly private centres has called for the government to scrap pay parity rules and reduce teacher-to-child ratio requirements.

The Council has also called for the kindergarten movement to be removed from the state sector. 

Kindergarten teachers have had pay parity with primary teachers for over 20 years, and that has been the mechanism for other early childhood teachers to achieve pay parity which the Council now wants to remove.

“Removing kindergarten teachers from the state sector will see the loss of the anchor that enables pay parity to be extended to the wider ECE sector” says KA spokesperson Amanda Coulston, “this is a cynical attempt to drive down standards and drive down quality. Research shows that our youngest and most vulnerable children actually need more qualified teachers and better ratios, not less. The ECC is putting profit before child wellbeing”. 


We know that Mr Seymour is taking his lead from Mr Laube because he has already implemented the call to scrap pay parity rules for ECE relief and fixed term teachers.  See this article from 4 September, Relief teachers cut from early childhood centre pay parity scheme:

The government has cut relief teachers from early childhood centre pay parity arrangements.

Early learning services that agree to pay their qualified teachers the same as kindergarten and school teachers qualify for a higher rate of government subsidy.

But from October, that commitment to pay parity would only apply to permanent staff, not relievers.

The government said the change would reduce administration costs.

Employer groups the Early Childhood Council and Te Rito Maioha Early Childhood New Zealand welcomed the change.

They said teachers had left permanent roles because they could earn more as relievers.


However, the Kindergarten Association and ECE relief teachers say this will cause the ECE teacher shortage to become a bigger problem.  In this article, Early childhood relief teachers face big drop in income, teachers said that they left full-time ECE teaching due to high workloads, poor conditions, workplace bullying and burnout, not because being a relief teacher was more lucrative, because being a relief teacher is NOT a lucrative income as your sick leave pay and holiday pay is included in your hourly rate.  Reducing their income was more likely to drive them out of even being an ECE reliever and certainly not back into the teaching space full-time.

Teacher Amy Dean said she left a permanent early childhood teaching job 18 months ago because she was burnt out by the stress of the work.

She told RNZ relieving worked well for her and had reignited her love of teaching, but now one of the companies that organised her relief placements wanted to cut her rate by $8 an hour because of the rule change announced last month.

"It's quite a lot of money. It's about $280 a week less if I take the $8 pay cut, if I work about 30-hours roughly," she said.

Dean said with the cost-of-living crisis, she did not know how she could justify losing that much income each week.

Centre owners hoped the change would prompt relievers to return to permanent roles, but Dean said working conditions in some centres were not good enough.


This change was made purely at the request of the Early Childhood Council, who represent ECE centre owners (but remember only 15% of ECE centre owners were consulted before this submission went in), and no teachers were consulted.


We also have David Seymour’s press release from 5 September where he made these interesting claims: 

“We have heard reports from centres around the country where teachers and carers are spending their time dealing with regulators and writing reports and plans on absurd things like the risk of apples falling from a tree in the playground, the first aid certificate being hung on the right-hand side of the doorframe instead of above it, or a train driver honking the train horn at the children as the train drives past every morning to the delight of the children but the chagrin of noise pollution police.”


Finally, during her address to the NZEI Te Riu Roa Hui-a-Tau on Wednesday 2 October, Stephanie Mills (the NZEI Te Riu Roa National Secretary) said that the Institute fully expected David Seymour would take Kindergarten staff out of the state sector very soon.


It was also very telling that during Minister of Education Erica Stanford's address to NZEI Te Riu Roa Hui-a-Tau attendees earlier on the same day, she did not mention the early childhood sector once. When questions were asked of her about the cuts to pay parity for ECE relief teachers, Erica was emphatic her only responsibilities in ECE were the curriculum and everything else was under David Seymour's Associate Minister of Education delegations.


So where does Labour stand on the possibility of the Kindergarten teachers being removed from the state sector?


Labour's Education spokesperson, Jan Tinetti, says Labour opposes removing Kindergarten teachers from the state sector. Pay parity between Kindergarten teachers and primary and secondary teachers is important to maintain qualifications, pay and conditions in Kindergartens, and by extension, the rest of the ECE sector. In recent years, Labour has worked with NZEI Te Riu Roa and centre owners to improve the pay of teachers in the private ECE settings and attempting to get pay equity with Kindergarten teachers. If Kindergarten teachers are removed from the state sector, this will allow the pay, conditions and even the qualification of teachers in the whole ECE sector to erode. Labour remains committed to pay equity in ECE as they believe a qualified, registered ECE teacher will provide the best start to a child's formal education journey.

After publishing this post I was able to make contact with the Green Party Education spokesperson, Lawrence Xu-Nan who said:


We strongly oppose any changes to the position of kindergartens within our public education system, and the harmful effects it will have for our tamariki, our kaiako, and their communities.
 

Kindergartens play a vital role in the education system of Aotearoa New Zealand. As part of the state sector, kindergartens have been a prime example of the kind of quality teaching and learning we can achieve in early childhood education. Part of this is because of the ownership model which removes the profit motive and means that educators can focus on children’s learning and wellbeing. Qualified and respected teachers with good working conditions are able to implement Te Whāriki, and can truly put the children at the centre of their work.


Considering David Seymour seems uninterested in listening to teachers themselves, has a huge disdain for the teacher unions and believes the Early Childhood Council speaks for all ECE teachers including Kindergarten teachers rather than NZEI Te Riu Roa or even the Kindergarten Association, we believe it is a fairly safe assumption he will announce taking Kindergarten teachers out of the state sector… a return to a failed near 30 year old policy.


 


References:


Note: These references have been included to provide background and demonstrate links between key personalities involved.

Kindergartens and their removal from the State Sector Act (1998): https://ojs.victoria.ac.nz/nzaroe/article/download/1161/966/1266#:~:text=But%20the%20new%20Bill%20was,and%20funding%20kindergarten%20teachers'%20salaries.


State Sector Act Removes Anomaly In Early Childhood 31 May 1997:

https://www.beehive.govt.nz/release/state-sector-act-removes-anomaly-early-childhood


Government Ownership of Kindergartens.13 March 2000:

https://oece.nz/public/big-issues/public-kindergarten/kindergarten-state-sector/


Simon Laube on LinkedIn, as at 2 October 2024:

https://www.linkedin.com/in/simon-laube-3aa23616/?originalSubdomain=nz


Early Childhood Submission a Cynical Attempt to Drive Down Standards, 16 September 2024:

https://wmkindergartens.org.nz/news/early-childhood-council-submission-a-cynical-attempt-to-drive-down-standards


Relief teachers cut from early childhood centre pay parity scheme, 4 September 2024:

https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/national/527027/relief-teachers-cut-from-early-childhood-centre-pay-parity-scheme


Early childhood relief teachers face big drop in income, 1 October 2024:

https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/national/529501/early-childhood-relief-teachers-face-big-drop-in-income


Ministry for Regulation kicks off first sector review – Early Childhood Education, 5 June 2024:

https://www.beehive.govt.nz/release/ministry-regulation-kicks-first-sector-review-%E2%80%93-early-childhood-education